The Separation Mirage Is Gone. Now, Alberta’s Real Bargaining Begins

By Samer Majzoub

Alberta’s October 19 referendum delivered a clear but nuanced political message: a majority of voters want the province to remain part of Canada, while many also want a fundamental reassessment of Alberta’s relationship with the federal government in Ottawa.

According to preliminary results, approximately 76 per cent of voters rejected the proposal to initiate the constitutional process for a binding referendum on independence. This is a significant outcome, indicating that a clear majority did not support moving forward with the next step toward separation. However, it does not mean the grievances that fueled the debate have disappeared, nor does it amount to a blanket endorsement of the status quo.

The other nine questions addressed a range of issues, from immigration and social programs to constitutional powers and financial arrangements. Their results indicate a desire for a greater provincial role in decisions affecting Albertans. Yet these outcomes should not be interpreted as a unified mandate to implement every proposal. Each carries distinct legal, political and economic implications that warrant careful consideration.

For Alberta Premier Danielle Smith, the results mark the beginning of a new political phase. Public support for pursuing the separation process has receded, but opposition to certain federal policies remains. Her government’s challenge is to translate these demands into practical solutions within Confederation rather than allowing constitutional disputes to become a substitute for meaningful negotiations.

Immigration was among the referendum’s central issues. Voters supported proposals to give Alberta a greater role in determining immigration levels, place greater emphasis on economic immigration and impose certain conditions on access to provincially funded programs and services. These demands reflect concerns about population growth, housing affordability and the capacity of schools, health care and social services to meet growing needs.

It is legitimate for Alberta to examine whether immigration levels are aligned with its economic capacity and public services. But addressing these pressures also requires examining the responsibilities of different levels of government, housing shortages, infrastructure investment and labour market needs. Immigration is not simply a matter of numbers; it also contributes economically and socially. Policies designed to manage its effects must not result in unfair treatment of people who live and work in Alberta.

Ottawa therefore needs a more effective dialogue with the province on immigration planning, the distribution of responsibilities and the allocation of resources. In turn, Alberta’s government must explain how its proposals would address existing challenges, what they would cost and how they would affect employers, public services and the people subject to them.

The constitutional proposals likewise reflected a desire for greater provincial autonomy, including a larger role in judicial appointments and greater priority for provincial legislation in certain jurisdictional disputes. Yet expanding provincial powers cannot be considered in isolation from other principles of governance. Any changes must be weighed against judicial independence, the rule of law, democratic accountability and the rights and protections afforded to all Canadians.

The results also revealed limits to the appetite for greater financial autonomy. Voters narrowly rejected a proposal to withdraw from certain federal programs without securing alternative funding. This highlights a fundamental tension within Canadian federalism: provinces want greater freedom to make their own decisions, but they also benefit from shared financial arrangements that help sustain public services. Resolving this tension requires transparency in funding, clarity about responsibilities and an honest assessment of policy outcomes—not political slogans.

The federal government should not interpret the rejection of the separation process as proof that Western alienation has ended. Roughly one-quarter of voters supported initiating the constitutional process toward an independence referendum, a proportion that cannot be dismissed. At the same time, that minority should not overshadow the central finding: a clear majority chose not to proceed.

Responsibility now rests with both governments. Ottawa must engage seriously with legitimate concerns about provincial powers, economic development and immigration rather than invoking national unity without addressing the sources of tension. Alberta’s government, for its part, must distinguish between demands that can be negotiated and changes that may conflict with constitutional obligations or shared national interests. It must also offer workable solutions rather than turning every disagreement into a confrontation with the federal government.

Canada’s experience has shown that unity does not require provinces to have identical interests, just as disagreement does not inevitably lead to division. Albertans have chosen not to pursue the path toward independence, but preserving national unity requires addressing the grievances behind the debate through serious dialogue and responsible negotiation.

The real test now is whether Ottawa and Edmonton can turn the referendum into an opportunity to rebuild trust and strengthen a federation capable of accommodating provincial aspirations without compromising the cohesion of the country.

Facing Challenges !

In the context of facing challenges, there may be multiple ways, methods and strategies of action, each with its own style. Be careful not to fall into sterile dialectical mazes in which the compass of focus will be lost and energy will be diverted to the wrong place. The road is still long and thorny, and the opponents only care about making those who hold the truth fail. The truth is one and the paths to it are many !

Samer

This page features 14 articles contributed to HuffPost Canada!

Link to the page that features the 14 articles that have been contributed to HuffPost Canada before it shut down & ceased operations!

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Islamophobia is neither other religion(s) against another religion nor a holy war, it’s haters and hate ideology towards Muslims’ citizens and Islam ! @samermajzoub

Quebec; Anti-racism between reality and hope!

*Samer Majzoub
Those who follow the developments around the subject of racism in Quebec note the confusion of decision-maker in how to deal with this phenomenon that worries many parts of the diverse Quebec society.

Quebec’s stakeholder’s general problem of how to deal with racism is evident. It ranges from complete denial, to a timid admission of its presence, always with a “but …”, to an exaggeration of the situation.

The overstatement of racism as a subject in the province may be related to the lack of political will to address this dilemma and disregard its negative implications. Furthermore, some may believe that political class and even some social elements inflame the notion of prejudice in the province. As clear example is illustrated by Bill 21, which many consider as giving “legitimacy” to discrimination against Quebec women because of their backgrounds and to “give the green light” to blatant racism against other parts of society because of their cultural diversity, customs, and traditions.


In addition, many human rights reports and studies highlight the notion of “systemic racism” in many official sectors in Quebec and their existing policies that lead to ethnic-based discrimination. Moreover, most of those who complain about this situation are part of the province’s citizens of African descent in particular.

The main media outlets more frequently report about the more-than-average arrests of Black citizens by the police, and the misconduct labelled as based on racial and ethnic grounds. Many reports’ “conclusions” have been issued by human rights organizations that confirm these “assumptions”.


Faced with the impetus of calls for action against racism, some developments in this regard have taken place, rendered through some decisions and appointments, as well as through the approval of policy changes in some official sectors, including in particular the police force that is the subject of most complaints. At the start, there was the appointment of Mrs. Bochra Mannaei by the Municipal Council of the City of Montreal to be the head of a specialized committee to deal with what is known as “systemic racism”. The appointment of Mrs. Mannaei , who is a Muslim of Arab origins, led to severely stormy reactions from some influential political and media voices that were described as Islamophobic and racist.
The irony is that Mrs. Mannaei did not escape criticism even from those who were expected to be on her side, due to the color of her skin, even though she is from North Africa.


In addition, the establishment of a specialized ministry for combating racism in the provincial government came as a remarkable step, since Prime Minister Francois Legault is one of the politicians who rejected the idea of systemic racism’s existence in the province.
The Minister of Environment, Mr. Benoit Charette, has been appointed to lead the new ministry. Mr. Charette, too, has not escaped a wave of criticism for being white.
It is worth noting that Mr. Sharett was one of the closest associates of the Muslim Quebec community, and we had close ties with him when CAQ was in opposition and before the party’s distinctiveness turned into adopting policies that observers considered to be leaning more towards the “identity-based” political current.


Furthermore, the City Council of Montreal adopted a set of recommendations issued by the Security Committee, which was formed a year ago to study how to reduce “racial profiling”, which is a method the police consistently use to handle citizens on the basis of racial stereotypes.


All these facts indicate, without a doubt, that burying one’s head in the sand and treating racism in Quebec as an empty phenomenon, is no longer possible.
It was necessary to make decisions that reflect at least a sense of interest, at least outwardly, in the need to seriously combat this disease. The positivity of these decisions cannot be denied, which may reflect an admission, albeit implicitly, that there are some sectors in Quebec suffering, like other Western societies, from the spread of societal tension on odious racist grounds.

The real challenge remaining is to transform the encouraging current trends that have been witnessed recently and detailed in this article into serious change in dealing with racism, and not to ignore the noticeable increase in incidents linked to racial identities and ethnic stereotypes. Expectations are that the populist tide will not concede easily to the process of confronting racism. However, the majority of Quebec is distinguished by its openness and adaptation to the diverse backgrounds of it’s population, and they will have the final word on this issue. Ultimately, we can trust that Quebec will not accept this speck of staining on it’s proud identity.